India

CANON WOODCOCK: If this world is ever going to realize the universal brotherhood of mankind, it will be because of the world's background of sorrow and of pain

and pathos, a world of men that is united when it has an appreciation of the sorrow and the pathos of a human family. Not in prosperity and in peace, but in adversity and when there is a general sense of danger do men really unite, and so it is that the British Empire, this far-flung domain that stretches wherever the sun shines, is united today in a very extraordinary manner because of a common foe, and the appreciation that that common foe is not only the foe of the Empire but is the foe of the whole human family.

So today we are delighted to have as our guest of honour one who represents that great and wonderful part of the Empire which we know as India. (Applause) We realize that the Indian people have a great contribution to make, not only to the Empire, but to the world at large, because of their nature and because of their peculiar talents. They are a very clever people intellectually and they are a contemplative people. They are not afraid to meditate. We western people are afraid to meditate, because most of us have not the courage to face ourselves and no man can face himself unless he knows something about contemplation and meditation. But these mystical people of India not only are contemplative but they are practical, too. They come over to England and they sweep away scholarships in our finest universities and they also achieve a place on the finest teams in our athletic world.

Now, one typical of these Indian people is our guest of honour today-Mr. H. S. Malik. He has given his life in the service of the Empire. He was educated in England, at Balliol College. I don't know whether you realize Mr. Malik, that we in Toronto don't think that is the proper pronunciation of that word. We have a street in Toronto by that name-it happens to be in my parish. We call it "Ball-oil". I think we have a perfect right to pronounce it that way if we like, because the people in England pronounce many of our words in a very extraordinary way. After an Englishman had pronounced several words in England in a way an American couldn't understand he happened to mention Niagara Falls. "O, yes, yes. We don't pronounce it that way. We call it 'Niffles'."

Well, he is a graduate of Balliol, and he is a great cricketer, and a great sport. He was just telling me that in golf, which he took up after he had almost given up cricket, he has a handicap of five in New York. Of course they don't play quite as well in New York as they do in Toronto, but I think he would be six or seven, even in Toronto.

Now, it is my honour to introduce to you today our guest of honour, Mr. Malik. I am sorry that the President of the Club has not this distinction. Dr. Gaby anticipated being here but was delayed a little longer than he expected in the west. So it falls to me, Sir, and I do deem it a very great honour to introduce you to the Empire Club of Canada. (Applause)

S. H. S. MALIK, ORE., I.C.S.: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: I am deeply grateful to you, Sir, for the kind invitation that has brought me here today. It is not only a great pleasure but a great privilege to meet so many gentlemen distinguished in the life of this great city. I feel also fairly at home among Canadians because, although I cannot claim any long acquaintance with your country, I do claim to have known Canadians for some considerable time. During the last war I had the privilege of serving in several squadrons of the Royal Air Force, and in almost every squadron I found five or six, sometimes more, Canadians. I had the privilege of the friendship of some of them. Among them was a Toronto man, the late Colonel Barker, V.C., D.S.O., who had one of the finest records in the late war and who was in addition a very fine man. (Applause)

I appreciate this opportunity, Sir, particularly because I find that in America, generally speaking, that my country is not very well known, and it is very nice to have the opportunity to attempt, at any rate, to give some kind of true picture of Indian life. I find since coming here that there are some very curious misconceptions. For instance, in the States, where both my family and I have had the kindest reception, and have been very well treated everywhere, we have had some amusing experiences. It is very nice to be taken for a Maharajah, but somewhat embarrassing to be taken for a fortune-teller! I must tell you my experience in regard to fortune-telling. I think it was the next day after we arrived in New York that I took my wife for a quiet dinner to the Waldorf Astoria. We noticed at the table next to us a small party-two ladies and one gentleman. I observed that the ladies in the party seemed to be very interested in our table and I knew something would happen before the evening was over. True enough, as we were having our coffee, one of the ladies came up to our table and she said, "May I sit down?" I said, "Yes, do". I got up from my chair. She then looked at me very earnestly and she said, "Can you tell me what is going to happen to me?"

I have even been taken for a Blue-beard. Last winter I took my wife down to Pinehurst, in North Carolina for a week's vacation. We thought we were going to have a quiet time, away from any kind of press photographs and publicity. Unfortunately, our visit coincided with a visit of all the prominent golf professionals of the United States, at an open tournament held there every year. I welcomed that; I thought we would certainly be lost in that distinguished crowd. Not at all. We were dining with some friends the first evening and the nurse came up triumphantly with the evening paper. There was a large photograph of myself, and the article was to this effect: "Among the interesting personalities competing in the tournament is the swarthy Swell from India-Mr. H. S. Malik." It then went on to say, "It is said he is allowed ninety wives. On this occasion, however, he turned up with only one." I was embarrassed to see this because I had not had a talk of any kind with any press man. Subsequently, I met the writer of that article and I said, "You know, you are very flattering to me. I have neither the constitution nor the financial means."

Now, Sir, when this talk was planned the world was still at peace. Most of us were still living in the hope that, somehow or other, a way would be found of settling the difficulties and problems that existed, without actually resorting to force. Since then we have had war and no one knows when the deluge will be over; what, if anything, will be left for salvage. It was then that I accepted the invitation of your President because I felt I might be able to give you a talk and an account of recent developments in India, particularly in the industries. Now, under the changed circumstances, industry and commerce and trade seem to be somewhat trivial beside the terrific issue that we face. Of course, they still continue to be of the greatest importance. I felt, however, that a talk merely on industry and commerce might be somewhat out of place. I propose, therefore, with your permission, Sir, to give you a brief account of recent development in India's industrial life, and to say something also about India's reactions in the present crisis.

Now India, of course, has been, since time immemorial, an agricultural country and it still continues to be principally agricultural. We have, however, over the centuries, maintained a very fine tradition of craftsmanship and that tradition is now being continued in our manufacturing industries which have been developed in India. People don't realize, I think, generally, what a great change has taken place in the industrial and economic life of the country during the last twenty-five years. It began, actually, a little before the last war, but the last war accentuated that tendency to manufacture goods in India. We were deprived of the usual sources of supply and we started making things in India.

I will give you just one or two instances of industrial development. Iron and steel, of course, is our biggest manufacturing industry. That has made great progress and today we supply something like 75 per cent of our total requirements in iron and steel. Along with that have grown up a number of subsidiary industries, such as tinplate, wire and wire nails, and so on. That industry is in a very flourishing condition today and has excellent prospects.

Cotton textiles is another industry that has made rapid strides in the last fifty years. Of course that is our traditional industry. We have woven cottons of the finest quality, for thousands of years. Literally, we have. They have recently, I understand, dug up some cotton designs which go back two thousand years. Of course those were all woven on hand looms.

Another remarkable instance of very rapid development is the sugar industry. Ten years ago we imported practically every pound of refined sugar we consumed. Today, we are refining all the white sugar we require--about a million tons a year. That is all within the past ten years.

Cement is another industry that has made almost equally rapid progress. I could tell of several others--heavy chemicals, the soap industry, and so on, but time does not permit.

The point I would like to make about these industries and the policy of industrialization is that in the case of all of these industries we are very favourably situated in the matter of raw materials which are available in abundance and are conveniently situated. In the case of iron and steel, for instance, we have our iron ore fields and the coal fields almost next door to each other. In connection with the cotton industry we have a very large production of raw cotton and we have a tremendous market in the four hundred million people, whose traditional fabric of wear is cotton, on account of the climatic conditions. As I say, we are favourably situated, both in respect to raw materials and also in having a very large domestic market. Another important point I would like to stress is that almost the entire programme of industrial development has been effected by indigenous capital. Now, that is a very remarkable change in Indian economic life. For our development in the past we have had to rely almost entirely on capital from outside. Today the position has been reached where one can truthfully say that the supply of capital exceeds almost the opportunity for its investment at anything but a very modest rate of interest. The fact is that any kind of sound industrial scheme can have all the financial backing that it needs.

There is very often a misconception in regard to Indian industrialization which I would like to take this opportunity of correcting. It is very natural that in a country which previously supplied manufactured goods to India that there should be a feeling that once those manufacturing industries have been developed in India the market in India would be lost. I myself believe, and I think the whole history of international commerce and trade is on my side, that it does not mean any contraction of India's imports in the long run. I believe on the other hand that as we develop our industries, as the standard of living of the people rises in consequence, as our purchasing power increases, our industrial development will be to the advantage and benefit, not only of India, but also of all the countries with whom we trade. (Applause) At any rate, the position in India today is this, that whereas not so very long ago there was a belief that India's future lay in the improvement of her agriculture, today the belief is wide-spread that the only possible future for the country economically is to strike a true balance between her agriculture and her manufacturing industries.

Now, Sir, a word about India's reaction to the present crisis. Before I say anything about that I would like to make it quite clear that I shall refrain from saying anything expressing any kind of political opinion. As a Civil Servant of the Crown, I have, of course, no politics, but I would like to give you a picture as it has been conveyed to me of the sentiment in India on the outbreak of this war. Of course many of you remember the part India played in the last war. (Applause) She gave generously not only of her men, but also of her material and her wealth and the Indian Army gave a good account of itself in France, Gallipoli, Mesopotamia, Palestine, East Africa, and elsewhere.

In connection with the Indian Army in France, I don't know whether you know of a little incident that occurred. Sine it was a little incident between the Canadian Army and the Indian Army I would like to repeat it to you. It was in 1915, and a Canadian Battalion was marching back from the front lines after a fortnight in the trenches. It was in the winter time and they were covered with mud and everything that went with the trenches in winter, and they happened to be passing by the British G.H.Q. Just as this battalion was going past, one of our foremost Princes happened to be standing outside G.H.Q. He had come out for a little fresh air. I shan't name him but he was a very resplendent figure in his staff uniform, with his four or five lines of medals, and turban as well. One of the privates in the battalion broke out of the ranks and went up to this man. He looked at him a bit, rather puzzled, and then he said, "Excuse me, Sir, who are you?" The Prince answered, " I am the Maharajah of So-and-So." The private put out his hand and said, "Never mind. Put it there. It ain't your fault."

Well, Sir, as you know, India played an important part in the last war. In the present crisis her reactions have been no less certain and spontaneous. (Applause)

Today the issues are even clearer than in 1914, and India, to a man, has responded to the first call that came. We are essentially a peace-loving people. We dislike violence of every kind and practically everyone in India has watched with disgust and growing anger the progressive steps that have been taken by different countries in, shall I call it, this international gangsterism. It began with Manchukuo and has continued with China, Abyssinia, Albania and Poland, and, as I say, people in India have watched with growing disgust the methods that have been employed in seizing hold, without any justification whatever, of these countries. So far as my own people, the Sikhs, are concerned, we are a small community. Although I say it, I think they are fairly important in India, because we supply a very large percentage of the Indian Army. I think our attitude to the whole thing may be best put in a phrase that was recently used by an American friend of mine with whom I was playing golf the other day. He is a great' big man, about six foot three, and being a boxer and a football player, he is a hefty fellow. His three sons threaten to be even bigger and stronger than he is. I had the pleasure of meeting his sons and we were having a chat. He said, "Well, I brought up my sons and I taught them this, as a principle in life: Never start a fight, never hit anyone who is smaller than you are, never stop hitting anyone who is bigger than you are."

Immediately on the outbreak of this war, irrespective of community, irrespective of political associations, caste, creed or colour, there was a unanimous condemnation of the way Germany behaved in bringing about this war and I think I can put that sentiment before you by giving you a couple of quotations from the statements that were made in India better than I could by describing it myself. I will give you first of all a quotation from a broadcast made by His Excellency, the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, whose name I think will be remembered for many years in India for the statesmanship, the industry, and the sympathy that he has brought to bear on the very responsible duties he has to perform. This is what Lord Linlithgow said in that broadcast:

"What faces us today is the safeguarding of principles vital to the future of humanity-principles of international justice, international morality, the principle that civilized man must agree to settle disputes between nations by reason and not by force, the principle that in affairs of men the law of the jungle, the will of the strongest, irrespective of right and justice, cannot be allowed to prevail. To fail to take up this challenge would be to destroy for mankind any hope of true progress and true development. So long as this cruel and ruthless thing is in the world there can be no freedom of the spirit for humanity. Nowhere do these great principles mean more than in India. There is no country that values them more highly than India and none that has at all times been more concerned to safeguard them. With me, I am certain you will feel that in the stern and testing days that lie before us, victory, the triumph of right, will not be secured by arms alone. We shall all of us have to depend upon those inner and spiritual forces which in all the great emergencies of life are the true and unfailing source of strength and fortitude.

"In a cause such as this the wholehearted sympathy and support of all in this great country will, I am certain, be forthcoming without distinction of class, of creed, of race, or of political party. I am confident on a day in which all that is most precious and most significant in the civilization of the modern world stands in peril, India will make her contribution to the side of human freedom as against the rule of force and will play a part worthy of her place among the great nations and the historic civilizations of the world."

Those were the words of His Excellency, the Viceroy of India.

Then, I would like to give you a quotation from a very different source, a quotation from a speech made immediately after the outbreak of war by an Indian Minister in Charge of Law and Order, the Home Minister for the Bombay Government. The Bombay Government, as you remember, is a Provincial Government, and it is from the ranks of the Indian National Congress Party that that Government is constituted. Mr. Munshi, the Minister, whose quotation I will give you, is one of the prominent members of the Indian National Congress. This is what he said

"Hitler's war is a war against small and helpless nationalities. It is a war of racial arrogance against humanity. It is a war of ruthless destruction carried on against civilized nations and international relations. It is violence carried to perfection, seeking to destroy peace. Above all, it is a war against the dignity of human personality. It is a war against non-violence, which we hold so sacred. It is an iniquitous attempt to uproot the sanctity of the moral law. This war will lead to the liberation of mankind as never before a war did. Somehow I feel that in this war India is going to play a great part. During the last war the British Empire died and the British Commonwealth of white nations was born. I somehow feel that out of this war will emerge a Commonwealth of free nations, irrespective of race or colour, guided by a government which knows no exploitation of man by man, or of race by race. For this end, let us humbly pray." (Applause)

That gives you some idea, Sir, of the sentiment that prevailed at the outbreak of war. Mahatma Gandhi came out in no uncertain words with his sympathy for Great Britain and France, and what they stood for.

Under the present constitutional position, India was automatically at war the same time as the United Kingdom, but I venture to express the opinion that even if India had had the right to say for herself whether she would or would not go into this war, she would without any hesitation have gone into it. (Applause)

Now, Sir, I would like to conclude on a note that was sounded by our Chairman, and which lies very close to my heart-the part that India might possibly play in the construction of the future world. We are living in times, I think, of great bewilderment. On the one hand there has been the most marvellous progress made in every field of scientific discovery, and almost every week and every month new inventions, new discoveries come to us which a few years ago only would have been looked upon as miraculous. There are all the potentialities for every kind of happiness and contentment of the human race. But actually there is very little happiness or contentment and the future, the immediate future, holds out little hope of any such prospect. I don't wish you to misunderstand me. I don't claim for India any special position in this respect. I know too well the present backward state of my country. I have very little sympathy with those who, when that present backward state is pointed out to them, turn around and say, "Yes, but look at our great past". It is like the senile old man who, having lost all his powers and all his teeth, whenever anything that youth does is pointed out to him, says, "Yes, but in my day . . . " That kind of attitude I have no sympathy for. I believe that India must strive and strain along with the other nations and endeavour to play a proper part in modern activities, in industrial activity, but the point I wish to stress is this. We have had a great past. There was a time, I think, in India when a very fine balance was struck between material progress and spiritual development, and there is, even today, running through the life of the country, as an undercurrent, a small stream that sometimes is hardly perceptible, that feeling, that connection between the past and the present. The feeling is still there that that sense of true values, that sense of true balance between the spiritual things and the material things, that fine balance has been achieved in the past and it may be possible to do it again. Though it may seem ridiculous to say so, even today in India, some of the most successful men, materially, I believe have running through their systems that kind of subconscious feeling that all these good things of this world are illusions after all, that the real things are the things of the spirit, and I feel and I hope that India, with her past traditions and her great civilization, may be able to make some contribution to the welfare and happiness of humanity.

I would like to conclude, Sir, with another quotation, which comes from a book about India, written by an Englishman who lived there for many years and who obviously loved the country. I think he has put it very finely

"Probably no country in the world will overtake India in human interest. And yet I am convinced that we of the West have gone far astray in estimating India's value to modern thought. In the realm of religious philosophy, she has done a great and precious thing. She has given to us the most searching examination of the ethical law the world is ever likely to have. No Greek was ever more splendid in his scientific fidelity, than the quiet company of India's thinkers who made the Upanishads and traced the whole beauteous outline of the Eastern spirit."

Then he goes on to say: "During the twelve odd years I have spent in the East I have never ceased to be enchanted, not only by her differences from the West, but also by a golden splendour in her spirit. India indeed has a preciousness which a materialistic age is in danger of missing. Some day the fragrance of her spirit will win the hearts of men. The future contains a new human urge toward the real beauty and holiness of life. When it comes, India will be searched by loving eyes, and defended by knightly hands." (Applause-prolonged)

CANON WOODCOCK: We have many distinguished people at the head table today. Among them, we have Mr. Harry Ashland, who served with Mr. Malik in the Royal Air Force, being in the same Squadron.

I have great pleasure in asking Mr. Humphrey, who is responsible, I think, for Mr. Malik's presence here today, to thank Mr. Malik on behalf of the Club.

MR. HUMPHREY: Mr. Chairman, Gentlemen: I think it would be presumptuous and perhaps indelicate to comment on this amazing speech of Mr. Malik's. I have watched your faces throughout his talk and could have wished that you had the same privilege and pleasure in meeting him, personally, as I had some months ago. One is struck with his tower of mental strength, and on the other hand with that marvellous twinkle in his eye.

I would like to remind you of the object of this Club, which as you all know, (I quote from the year-book) is the advancement of the interests of Canada and the United Empire. Nobody, I think, could have fulfilled the aims and objects of this Club to better advantage than has Mr. Malik today.

You, Sir, I am sure, have watched the faces of your audience and must have been impressed, as I have, with those unwritten words upon those faces. I am now going to express to you and say we do most sincerely thank you for your address. Thank you. (Applause)