Canada's Position in the Empire

Mr. President and Gentlemen,-

For the sake of conciseness I have divided into three heads the subject that I have selected-Canada's Position in the Empire in trade, defence and citizenship. Speaking of the matter of trade, Preferential Trade has been for many years the hope of many Canadians. Many Canadians, I think, have seen the advantage that would accrue to the Mother Country as well as the various Sister Colonies if we could establish an all-round commercial combine within the four corners of the Empire. Perhaps no city in the whole of the Empire has done more in that direction than the City of Toronto. I do not say that in flattery, but believing it to be true. I think as far back as 1892 the Board of Trade sent over Resolutions to London on this point, and from that day until this at the various Congresses of the Chambers of Commerce of the Empire where this subject has been debated I am proud to say that the Resolution from the Board of Trade of the City of Toronto on this question has taken the first place.

The Englishman does not believe in talking too much and the Resolutions he likes are generally those which are concise; and I am happy to say when the Englishmen arrived at the Montreal Congress they said that our ten Canadian Resolutions should be combined into one, and the London Chambers said that in their opinion the Toronto Resolution had the call; but they said, you will have to go in committee and fight it out; and it was fought out and Toronto polled every vote given to that Resolution outside the City of Montreal. Toronto has been and is now the head-centre of these great Imperial questions. That is a desirable position to occupy-a position Toronto occupied long before I had anything to do with it. Such men as Colonel Denison and our esteemed President have 'done much to make Toronto what it is among the cities of the Dominion and the place it takes in the great British Empire. I believe to hold that position both in the City of Toronto and in the Dominion the work of this Club is most urgently needed. I find, especially among the younger men, many of whom have never seen Great Britain and perhaps never will, there is not perhaps the same instinct as we have with regard to the Empire; there is not the same incentive for them as there is for us to remain an integral part of the British Empire. We, perhaps, either British born or born of British parents on Canadian soil, both of which are equally good, stand for Imperialism and British citizenship that is just as good in any part of the world where the British flag waves as in old London herself.

Preferential Trade has been tried in Canada to a certain extent. I am sorry it has not received that trial which many of us in the City of Toronto think it should have received. We have given but we have not received. I do not know whether I voice the opinions of many of the Club or not, but my view has been that whenever it is entered into it must be entered into on a business basis. We should sit down with the good old Mother Country and the various component parts of the British Empire wherever the British flag floats and see how and where we can help each other and assist each other to forward our trade without injuring each other. As we look around us we know there is a vast amount of the imports of this country coming from Foreign nations that might just as well be coming from Great Britain or some Colony of the Empire; and equally truthful, that many of the products we are raising in Canada which we have to ship abroad could supply Great Britain's needs and the needs of the Sister Colonies just as well as those from the United States or some of those nations that owe no allegiance whatever and are rather hostile than helpful to the British flag.

Holding as a sound business doctrine in trade, in the long run I believe the best way to preserve friendships, the best way to have a full understanding is to have a bargain made in such a way that it is satisfactory to both; that one cannot say to the other, you have got the advantage of me, but that we sit down and count the cost between us and see where we can help Great Britain and the Colonies and also point out 'to them where they can help us. Our manufacturers in some instances have been hurt by the Preferential tariff; and some men who were favourable to our policy say today that they do not want any more of that preference. Why? Because the spirit in which the preference was at first intended had not been protective; and it has injured possibly some of our industries; particularly perhaps the Woollen trade; and that I think has arisen largely out of a misdirected policy. I believe that the term meant what we now call a mutual preferential trade which expresses the spirit in which we intended to enter on the question. In 1901 we imported under the general tariff $78,000,000 worth of goods and we paid thereon as duty $23,000,000; in 1902 we imported $88,000,000 worth and paid $26,000,000; in 1903 we imported $99,000,000 worth and paid $30,000,000; in 1904 $99,000,000 and paid $20,000,000; and in 1904 under the surtax we brought in an additional $4,900,000 and paid on it $1,896,000. In all we imported in those four years $369,000,000 worth of goods under the general tariff and paid thereon $112,000,000 in round numbers of duties, or an average of 30.46 percent.

Under the Preferential Tariff we imported in those same years as follows: In 1901 $27,000,000 worth and paid thereon $5,280,000; in 1902 $30,000,000 and paid $5,729,000; in 1903 $37,000,000 and paid thereon $7,000,000; in 1904 $44,000,000 and paid $8,889,000--in all $140,000,000 brought in during the four years and $26,ooo,ooo of duty paid thereon, or nearly $27,000,000, and this was an average of 19 -19 as against 3o-a6 between the general tariff and the preferential tariff. That shows you, then, the sacrifice that Canada has made for the sake of Britain and her Colonies in the duty that she would have collected if she had been exacting the same from Great Britain that she does from Foreign countries. We feel we have really contributed something to the Empire. I am sorry to say we frequently see asked in British newspapers, "What is Canada doing for the Empire?" Is she willing to give anything for Empire defence? They seem to lose sight of the fact that we have given something. Canada has under this tariff sacrificed about $5,000,000. We have given this without knowing exactly what it was and the Mother Country has received it without perhaps appreciating what she was getting. It is not until we would withdraw it that she would appreciate it. We are taunted that we do not do anything for Great Britain. If we had collected that duty--and that was my view--and, then had handed it out as a contribution, if you will, Great Britain would then have something she could appreciate and see at any rate. Our import from Great Britain, if our tariff was the same as against the other parts of the world, would not be as great as it has been.

Mr. Chamberlain's idea of a return Preference is absolutely right. I believe he is ready to give this. It should have been done long ago. They should have given us an advantage in the markets of Great Britain for that advantage we are giving them here. But for some reason or other he has not yet been able to prevail upon British sentiment to give us that. But I believe the time is not far distant when a large number of the British will reach that conclusion. They move comparatively slowly but I think they are getting there. I think they will get there providing something does not happen in the meantime that may divert it. This Preferential Tariff I admit has increased our trade with Great Britain on the one side, but we have not increased our trade on the other side any more than it would have increased under other conditions because we have had no particular advantage. If our bacon and butter and cheese are not as good as the Englishmen can buy elsewhere he is not going to eat them because they come from the Colonies.

In order to show you what a real preference might do I think I might refer you to the British West Indies. Take the Island of Jamaica alone. It is about three years since the Canadian Government thought it might give a preference to Jamaican sugar. At that time we brought in less than $1,000,000 worth into Canada. In less than three years it has jumped up to over $3,000,000. The conditions have not altered; it is purely and simply a matter of change in this market and we have given what Great Britain should have done. Those men in the West Indies are fellow-citizens of ours; many, of them are British in blood and by birth; but in some instances these people were having their business crowded to the wall and for years they held out their hand to the Mother Country and asked her to give them help and she said she must continue to buy her sugar in the cheapest market. That is an example of what Canada has done and can do, and what any country in the Empire can do if it has a tariff arranged to suit it. In that way we have put that industry upon its feet and increased that trade nearly threefold. I believe as soon as we get that tariff fixed properly, as I believe it can be done, we would have practically a trade treaty between the Mother Country and the Colonies.

We are told we must not make a trade treaty with Great Britain. Why not within the Empire if it is proper outside of the Empire? We have had our Reciprocity Treaty with the United States; we have at present an arrangement with France; why shouldn't we have an arrangement with England? They tell us it is better to have sentiment only. But, how many of us know that families have been dispersed for lack of thorough understanding between father and son and the result has been that they have had to bring in an alien and pay him or her the wages that they denied the son or daughter in the house. That I am glad to say is not so common as it was. I mention that to show you the danger there is in our time of saying we cannot have an arrangement between Great Britain and the Sister Colonies because we are so close by blood that we ought to have it all give and no take. My opinion is in order to have these trade arrangements satisfactory there must be a distinct and separate understanding with regard to every item we undertake to deal with; and in doing so I believe we will best retain the friendship and best retain the solidity of the British Empire; and conserve to all ranks in society that standing that business and trade should always hake, whether it be between strangers or men born in the same house and owning the same father and mother -brothers. There is no reason against it and there is nothing, I believe, that leads to so close a friendship as to have a complete understanding wherein both sides understand one another and all is mutually satisfactory and helpful.

I am no great fighter. My friend, Mr. Castell Hopkins, did the fighting for me when we were over in London. We discussed the question of Defence on that occasion as well as Trade.* The recent visit of His Excellency to Toronto has served to emphasize the position Canada at present holds. Everything he said and stated was, in my opinion, the height of statesmanship. Our position with regard to the Empire in matters of defence is certainly not satisfactory. I am no great fighter, but if it ever comes to upholding the British flag and I can join the home corps I shall do so. I believe in paying my share for the defence of the Empire. I think this has been brought home to us more closely within the last few weeks. It has been announced in the House of Commons that the few remaining British troops in Halifax and Esquimalt are to be withdrawn and that these forts are to be manned in the near future by Canadian troops only. That to my mind is a very serious step and I must say that it brought a kind of sadness to my heart when I understood we were going to lose the last vestige of British troops in this country. I said in the House of Commons that in my mind that was a serious mistake, and I made this remark in justification of that statement. I said, not that Canada should not pay for the defence of those forts and a great deal more, but that I believed any body of men, any regiment or

combination of regiments that are fit to defend Halifax and Esquimalt as strong outposts of the British Empire are fit to place in any fortification in Great Britain herself and help to hold her forts against the nations of the world.

I believe it means just as much to the Empire and to Great Britain herself to defend Halifax or Esquimalt as it does to defend any of those fine fortifications that dot Great Britain and that bristle on her coasts around the whole of the tight little island. That was my view. It is not because I am opposed to paying the small amount it would cost us to defend these two fortresses, but it is because I think it is snapping another of those slender ties that bind Canada to the Mother-land. I consider to have one or two regiments of the line in Canada is worth its while. They are examples to our young men of heroic conduct; and I have said and I repeat it now, I believe it would be the best incentive we could have for our own troops if, instead of sending them to Halifax and Esquimalt, we should make arrangements with Great Britain that she should from time to time send her best regiments here to show our people what they do, and we would send some of our regiments over there to show their people what our people can do. In that way we would have something to work for. Men quite good enough to send to South Africa and to hold their own with the best of the Britishers are good enough to send home to the Mother-Country. That is my view. I do not profess to be a soldier or a military man. There may be strategic objections to this that I do not understand. I don't know who ordered it and I have not yet fully comprehended perhaps what it means.

What are the ties that bind us to the Mother-Country today? No trade arrangement, no contribution to the army or navy, no representation in Great Britain or her Councils; we have simply the Governor-General and the Privy Council. It does seem rather desirable that when you are attacked you have a shotgun in the house; and though it may not be a very formidable weapon, it is something to begin with that we could hold the enemy at bay until we could rally our forces. I think we should contribute not two millions and a half, but in proportion to the advantages that' we receive. That I believe could be figured out on a business basis. We are dependent every day and every hour of the day, and while you and I sit here the traffic we have on the high seas is defended by the British navy. We, as partakers of the benefit that is being derived, should also contribute to the cost of it, and I believe we are willing and able to do it. I believe as true citizens of the Empire we are ready to say today that our fair share of what should be contributed will be forthcoming at the time that it is needed.

I think it is not desirable at the present moment to talk about independence when we are not ready to subscribe to the support of the British army or British navy. If we had been a part of the United States last year how much would it have cost us? About $30,000,000. Two million and a half dollars we are paying now. If we were independent I think it would be nearer $60,000,000 and then we would have a very inefficient defence. When I mention these figures I do so to show you the necessity of making some little contribution; and I believe in small contributions. I would like to see us set out and in the next three or five years give to the British Navy a first-rate ship; call it "Canada" if you will. Therefore I consider independence should not be thought of, much less mentioned. The men who are talking independence are the very men who kick at contribution to defence in any form. If we are not to have any militarism we certainly cannot have any defence.

One other matter before I sit down, and one of the most important works that this Empire Club should be engaged in is to get this matter rectified and that is the naturalization of aliens. I have here a copy of the Law Times which 1 am glad to say has at last taken the matter up. It is three years ago since the Toronto Board of Trade brought this matter before the Chambers of the Empire-unification of the naturalization laws of the Empire. If you study that subject you will strike some very surprising facts. There is not one man in a hundred in the Dominion of Canada today who knows anything like the proposition we have right here in that little question. Do you know that the present situation in Canada, and it applies to all the Colonies in the Empire, is that we have not the power today to make a British citizen outside of our own borders. A German, a Frenchman and an Italian can come here to Canada and reside for twentyfive or fifty years, may take out his naturalization papers, be eligible and sit for the highest office in the land, and when he went abroad and got beyond the three-mile limit off the coast he would be neither a citizen of Canada nor of any other part of the Empire. That same man cannot take out his papers in Great Britain and become a British citizen at all until he has lived there his full five years. A man may be a British citizen in New Zealand or Australia and when he gets to Great Britain he is a Frenchman, a German or a Russian, and none of our Colonies today has any power to make a citizen out of an alien that is any good beyond the confines of its own territory.

That is a very serious state of things. We have almost every nation under heaven in Canada today. Our North-West is filling up to a large extent with foreign elements that in some instances are not desirable. A Doukhobor or Mennonite coming in there is in just as good a position to take up citizenship in Canada as an alien that has lived in Great Britain twenty-five years and takes out his papers there and comes here to Canada. An alien in Canada has to come here and fill his three years, take his oath of allegiance and take out his papers and become naturalized here. When he goes to Great Britain that does not count to his advantage in the least. And likewise if Great Britain or Australia does the very same thing, in this country we do not recognize it. Whenever that man sets his foot abroad he is in trouble. He cannot be even assured a full passport under British law. I supposed that an alien naturalized in Canada was as good as myself, but it is not the case at all. As soon as he gets on the high seas or any foreign country he becomes a citizen of the country from which he first came. Furthermore that man cannot be legally married abroad; according to the laws of Great Britain his family could not inherit property.

I tell you, it is a serious question when we see we are bringing in nationalities from all parts here and giving them what? Only a citizenship in Canada and only good so long as they are within our own borders. We are taking away from citizens of the United States a free citizenship in the United States and giving them a partial citizenship in the Empire. That should be rectified, and the only way is to have the Mother-Country declare that certain conditions fulfilled qualify a man to call himself a British citizen and if those are fulfilled in Canada, the West Indies, South Africa or any other place where the British flag floats it will be the same as though fulfilled in the Mother-Country herself.. I believe that a citizen in Canada, properly qualified and naturalized, should be just as good when he is in another part of the Empire, and should be entitled to the protection of the flag, entitled to hold property in a British state, entitled to hold any of those things that he is disqualified as an alien from holding. Surely there is something very weak and radically wrong in this British citizenship of which we have boasted so much.

I would commend to you an article that appears by Dr. Hoyles, the Principal of the Law School; and Mr. E. T. Malone is another gentleman who has thoroughly looked into it. He prepared the facts of the case that the Toronto Board of Trade submitted to the Chambers of the Empire. Mr. George Anderson spoke on the same subject at the Montreal meeting, and others spoke, but there was not a man in that room that denied the facts that I am pointing out to-night, and they admitted every one of them it was not right. They went back to Great Britain and I am glad to say that the London Chamber of Commerce, as soon as they. got together, passed a similar Resolution to that which we passed calling upon Great Britain to make one common naturalization law that wherever the British flag waves every British citizen, be he of any race or creed, if he has taken the oath of allegiance to the King, shall be entitled to and shall receive all the rights, liberties, and privileges that you and I enjoy under the British flag and Crown. I thank you, gentlemen.

* NOTE-Chambers of Commerce Conference, 1896.