Empire Questions

First of all let me thank you for your great courtesy and the honour you have done me in asking me to be present here today. I am a stranger; I hope you won't take me in. I do not quite understand why I should have been asked to address you, but I may tell you this much, that I thought that beyond Edinburgh I was hardly known except in volunteer and other military circles. I come from Edinburgh, and naturally what your President has said is quite true. You can quite understand it. I have held all along that there is only one country in the world, Britain. I have held that the greatest factor in her success is Scotland. I have even been impudent enough to say that there is only one place in Scotland, and that is Edinburgh!

Allow me to thank you for your hospitality. I am today the guest of the Empire Club. I take it, therefore, for granted that, leaving all small considerations aside, your one great ideal of the future is a united and imperial British Government. I do not belong to the party at present in power. I will say, however, that the men who at the present moment are governing Great Britain are true and thorough gentlemen in every respect. I know no better men, no better business men. It may be that the two men, one on either side of me, Colonel Mason and your President, may hold different opinions politically, or upon art, or upon science. It makes them no less gentlemen and no less anxious for the welfare of the country. I hope, therefore, that I may be permitted to differ on some of the subjects which they advocate. One of the most important subjects before us since 1884 was the " Irish for the Irish," and " Scotch for the Scotch." I do not believe a word of it. There is no Irish; there is no Scotch; there is no Canadian; there is no English; in the well-being of the Empire We are one people, speaking one language, with the same blood running through our veins, and with one hope, the well-being of the people of the country to which we belong.

We have common commercial interests, common liberties and other interests under the one flag. Have as much local self-government as you please, and to the very largest extent possible; for I believe, like you I have no doubt, that it is an impossibility to legislate in one central part for all the different localities which are under the British flag. What might apply to India would not apply to Canada; what applies to Canada might not apply to Scotland, and, therefore, I advocate, and have advocated all along, local self-government to the fullest extent; but one flag, one nationality, one Imperial idea-the well-being of the Anglo-Saxon race. I have just been telling your President of an extraordinary fact which I laid my hands upon this morning. I find in 1620, when the Mayflower, with its pilgrims, came to America, that there were only six million people speaking the English language. And today there are eighty million people speaking the English language, and if it goes on as it has in the past the probabilities are, as said by McCullough, that in one hundred years from this time there will be two hundred million people speaking the English language. But speaking the English language is not sufficient for us. The mere English language may be spoken by anybody, but we want the character of the British man to go over the world-his industry, patience, perseverance, and commercial enterprise is what we are interested in, and I believe, gentlemen, I do not flatter you when I say, and I hope you do not take offense, that this country of which you are now the inhabitants, owes all its greatness and its success to your indomitable perseverance, your patience, and your industry, for you had a most difficult task to undertake. You have successfully overcome the difficulties, and today she stands honoured by all the world. Regarding the relationship between the Old Country and this, I said yesterday we live .a. great deal upon the past; you are living in the great future; you have only begun, virtually, to develop, and a few years more will see a great change in this country. I believe that the British Government should foster, as far as it possibly can, its colonies and its dependencies, and those who are related by ties of one description or another. I do not like the word dependencies, I would have one British nation all over the world wherever we are found.

What I should advocate, I am afraid, when I get home, would lead them to think me too radical to be a Unionist. I should like to see a parliament, with all our people represented in it, delegates from every country sent in, I should say to London, but I do not mind if it is Toronto; it makes no difference so long as they are together. I believe that members of parliament should be local men, for the idea of a parliament of Great Britain is that these local men should each represent the localities to which they belong, and by their combined wisdom, knowing the wants of the inhabitants, legislate according to those wants. Now, gentlemen, I may go home tomorrow and become Prime Minister, which is most unlikely, I assure you, but in such a case what should I know of Canada and its wants? Why should there not be some one continually in the House of Commons, continually mixed up with the Government, who knows your affairs and your necessities, to advise for me? I believe that it would be to our advantage, and to your advantage.

In regard to a question which, I have no doubt, is troubling your minds, the tariff question, I should like to say-free trade all over the world. Are you prepared to open your ports to us? That is the question, and I do not know a more difficult subject to touch upon than that question of free trade. In many respects I uphold the ideas of Mr. Chamberlain, but not in some others. We are not a self-supporting country, and to all British products, and all foodstuffs, I should certainly give free entrance to Great Britain. I do not think it is very fair that France and Germany should debar us from going in. I shall put it before you practically. I am a manufacturer, and I go to France to look after an order. I take up the specification and I make out the cost 3,000 pounds. I frankly admit I add 10 per cent. as my profit. I add the carriage to the particular place to which it is going, and it comes out 3,600 pounds. I have to pay 1,100 pounds of duty at Calais, the port of entry, bringing the estimate to 4,700 pounds. When the estimates are opened I am beaten by 400 pounds. Therefore, the people were paying 700 pounds more for the same goods, the same work. That was protection. But look what follows. The same firm comes to London to compete against your humble servant, and I gain upon a 3,000 pounds job only 50 pounds. Is it fair? Why not give me an entrance to their country, the same as I give them to ours. It would be better for all of us.

A voice: Why do you stand it?

Sir Robert: Why do I stand it? Are you married? (Laughter.) I understand the gentleman has been married only a few months. My dear sir, I have been forty years married, and I stand a lot that you have not learned yet. That is my reply to you in regard to that matter. Then there is another thing that I believe would be to the benefit of this country-that you should impress upon the people that you are Canadians, and not Americans. I believe that it is very detrimental to your interests. I take one common object, cheese. It is sent out from Canada to our country, and it is called American. Will you try and stop this and see that it is called Canadian.

Let me call your attention to what I believe is your idea, as it is mine. We cannot exist without mutual help, and all that need it have a right to ask it from their fellow mortals. No one who holds the power of granting can refuse it without guilt. I believe that is the position we should occupy in Great Britain. We have no right to refuse the aid in every respect to our colonies and those who are under the British flag, and whenever we refuse we are guilty of refusing to another man that which would make him better and do us no harm whatever. And in all our legislation and in all the legislation of the Old Country I sincerely hope that there is but one idea, that laid down by Virgil, when he said "the noblest motive is the public good," and if the public good be in Toronto, Montreal, or in any other part of the world, that I believe should be the ideal of all governments and of all mankind. A man who simply lives either to satiate his own ambition or to secure for himself some great power in the nation, has no heart; it is self, and self alone. Party should in every instance be sunk for the general welfare of the country. There should be no desire for merely power and place. When power and place is sought it should be with the single idea of national welfare, and then when the services of the men have been given without thought, without any hampering, without the mere idea, of aggrandizing himself or making himself better in the minds of other men, the honours will come, for if he had no other honour when he died than that of being respected and beloved by his fellowmen, then he has earned that for which he came into the world.

All of us, whatever our positions may be, are filling up a little space which it was so willed we should. People say, "What power, what influence have I?" We go out from this meeting today and spread ideas of government which we have, and it is wonderful how they work. Being a Scotchman I feel that particularly. My country in the earlier clays suffered very, very severely. By pluck and determination the people held on and upheld their rights and their liberties with the sacrificing of life, but they obtained ultimately what they wanted--freedom of thought and action, and one of the greatest calamities that could occur to us, for we are all together, would be any breaking off of those unions in any shape or form. Many of you will remember the story in Aespo's Fables, where the wood-cutter handed his son a bundle of sticks tied together with a thong of leather and said, "Break them over your knee." This the boy was unable to do, so the father undid the thong, took each stick separately and broke it with ease. Mr. President and gentlemen, that is the story of a people. So long as they are all bound together in one common interest and one great aspiration they need never be afraid of any other nation in the world, but the moment they are separated one after another they can be easily broken; and this I would say before sitting down, that if anything could bind Great Britain closer to Canada it would be the loyalty of Canada during the South African war.

Day after day men came in and gave their services, aye, and good and grand services they were, for what? It was not for their own nation that they were fighting, no, but the old idea was paramount above all others, it was their home; it was like the boy who goes to the door to drive away anyone who intrudes upon his mother and his family; and so they came and entered into the service under the flag. It was not the flag, which was only an emblem, but it was the idea that came to them "We owe her everything. She gave us everything we have, and now that she is under the necessity of being supported, our blood and our life we are ready to give." It was given nobly, sacrificed willingly, and today I say with all sincerity and with all truth, that the British banner is more respected than ever, and that you, Canada, and the Colonies of Great Britain, deserve much of the credit; and I only hope that my visit here and my short speech will not be forgotten in this respect, that I am sure that I am not speaking for myself alone, but for the nation to which I belong, when I say that all the love of our hearts goes to all those who come under her flag; that whilst it can float on the breeze it will have their loyalty and that the love of the Old Country will go out to them and make us feel that which we all aspire to,--to love and honour our King and demand the rights, the freedoms and liberties of our country."

Mr. Justice J. V. Teetzel, Hamilton: I wish simply to confine my remarks to joining with you all in the felicitation of the occasion and in the treat that we have enjoyed from the lips of the Lord Provost of Edinburgh. It has been a most eloquent and interesting speech and of such a character as helps to strengthen and build up the sentiment which is so prevalent in this country at the present time--not only the Canadian national sentiment, but the British national sentiment; and occasions like this, and speeches like this, sir, are great stimulating and educating mediums, and this and other Clubs are to be congratulated. They are doing a great service to this country in fostering assemblies of this kind. They are schools at which many are privileged to attend, and at which so much is and can be learned for the individual as well as the national good of the country. I trust, sir, that you will continue to enjoy such delightful occasions as we have had today during the balance of this year and for the years to come. I have nothing to add further, but to say that I am in hearty sympathy with the loyal sentiment of my friend, the Lord Provost, although, perhaps, in some details one is privileged to differ. But one cannot question the loyalty of the stand that our friend has taken, and I am sure that his remarks along that line are heartily endorsed by everyone present. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, and bespeak for your Club the very greatest of successes. May it continue prospering and stimulating the most excellent spirit that now prevails in this country.

Mr. W. K. George: I am pleased that you have asked me to say a few words, because I would like to tell Sir Robert of the kindly recollections we have of the visit which our Canadian Manufacturers' Association made to England a few years ago. It is an old story here-the splendid time we had. It is, however, fresh in our own memories, the reception which we received in the Old Land, and in that beautiful city of Edinburgh. Sir Robert was our host, and I need not tell you after what you have heard today, and since you have seen the gentleman, that we hid a splendid time. Sir Robert asked me yesterday not to tell everything that was done in Edinburgh, and out of consideration for my good friend, Dr. Bain, under whom I happen to serve in church matters, and not wishing to disturb those pleasant relations, I am moved to keep quiet! But I would like to say to Sir Robert this, that the results of such a reception as we had in the Old Land are far-reaching and permanent. They do much in a thoroughly lasting way to cement those ties of kinship and affection and tradition which are so necessary for the maintenance of our Empire. Sentiment, gentlemen, generated in whatever way, whether it be through tradition, or family connections, or friendships formed such as we made there, or more sordid commercial reasons, must be the binding tie between the different parts of the Empire and hold us together; and, gentlemen, such getting to know each other, the different members from the different parts of our widely separated Empire, and finding friends, has done much and will continue to do much to bind the Empire together.

Sir Robert will find in this Canada of ours, if he had time to travel it from coast to coast, an Imperial spirit, a desire to maintain the Empire. He would also recognize that it is not the mere ambition of equalling our neighbours or being equal to some of the great powers of Europe that leads us to be anxious to maintain the Empire, because within our own country have we not every possibility of equalling the greater nations and surpassing most of them. It is because we see that in two or three generations we will have an Empire that will simply overshadow anything else on earth; an Empire that will have most to do with the guiding of the world's destinies and the controlling of them in the best interests of mankind under British rule. That is why we believe in maintaining the present Empire, because it is the future we all look to, not the present. I thank you for this opportunity of telling Sir Robert Cranston of the kindly recollections we have brought back to Canada and of the friendly, brotherly, kinship--like way we were treated in the Old Land; something which we will never forget.