Denmark and the War

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN,--LET me say first that I, as a Dane, am verv thankful that your Club takes such an interest in our little country and its position; that right in the middle of your own much deeper trouble, you desire to be kept informed more fully than through the press reports about what we are doing, and have been doing, during these years of the World War. It is a proof of your sense of justice and of your appreciation of our nation. I believe that I have the right to ascribe part of this interest to those of my countrymen who have come to Canada and have aided you in building up this country and have contributed to the feeling of mutual understanding and sympathy which already bound our two nations together in Europe, and it is a great honor to me personally that you have asked me to appear before you here today, to explain some of the facts in regard to Denmark and some of the many difficulties through which she has passed in these years. I appreciate highly this opportunity of speaking on his subject, although I wish I could speak with more personal knowledge. I have been here during all the War, except for a short

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Mr. Bech is a member of a very old and prominent Danish family and upon his graduation from Copenhagen, he entered the Consular service of his country which he has served with distinction throughout the world. For four years as Consul General apt New York, he has been closely associated with the commercial and political interests of his native land. At present he enjoys the distinction of partnership in the largest Danish export firm in the world.

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visit to Denmark, but I can say that we wish so to conduct the destinies of our country during these hard and terrible times that our children can say: "Our fathers brought Denmark through the big crisis safely and with honor."

In approaching the subject of Denmark's present economic and political status, it, is quite important to consider the period that has passed since the early sixties, when those two States against which the allied nations now defend themselves took away from Denmark onefifth of its area, ruthlessly severing nationalities, and although promising that the northern part of Schleswig should be returned to Denmark on a popular vote, later revoking this promise. The Schleswig-Holstein question is still an integral part of Danish history, and while no good can be accomplished at this moment by ripping open old wounds, I can assure all who dwell on this side of the broad Atlantic, that our nation follows from day to day with the greatest sympathy and heartburning the fate of the Danish people in Northern Schleswig. Mr. Erich Erichsen, a Danish author, has written an excellent book -"The Silent Dane"-about those who have gone to the War. I can recommend it to anybody who wants to know what it means to fight and to offer one's life for duty, not love.

Of course, the question uppermost in the minds of those viewing European events in their bearing on Denmark, and I may say, on the whole of Scandinavia, is this

With the American embargo in effect, and the Northern neutrals almost wholly shut off from commercial intercourse with the Allies and the United States, what effect will this have on Scandinavian affairs? Dealing specifically with Denmark, to the best of my knowledge, Danish neutrality will be maintained to the end, while, in spite of many inconveniences, and in some instances downright sufferings, resulting from the scarcity of food stuffs, Denmark will always look upon the British speaking people as friends and kindred.

In order to explain the situation clearly, I wish first to say a few words about conditions in Denmark before the war. Our people are principally agriculturists, although a steady movement took place from the country to the cities, whose population in 1911 was about two-fifths of the total population of Denmark, about three million people.

After the above-mentioned war with Prussia and Austria, our slogan was: "What we lost to the enemy we will regain in our own country," and the wonderful work of the Danish Heath-Society was begun, and many individuals followed its example.

More than one-sixth of Denmark was barren and covered with heather with underlying hard pan, but by hard work trees were planted on large parts of the heath, thereby giving shelter from the west wind to parts where the soil was better so that grain and grass could be grown, and by this time the largest part of this almost desert land is covered with woods and fields. When I think of my old home, which is located on the border line of the heath, it is most surprising to see the development which has taken place. From a hill in the fields, I formerly saw only a very few small and poor houses and miserable fields, while now all the countryside is spotted with well-built, prosperous-looking farm-houses. Yes, the situation is now such that in order to preserve some trace of the old, typical, very melancholic heath landscape,--which has been praised by several of our best authors and poets,-a number of our emigrated Danes, now citizens of the United States, bought, in 1912, a considerable tract of characteristic and beautiful heath, and presented it as a Danish National Park to the old country, with the restriction that the area must be left to its own natural development and that the "Stars and Stripes" must be permitted to wave there on the 4th of July of each year.

At the time of the War of 1864 and after, the Danish farmers grew as much grain as possible, but very soon the competition from the United States, Canada and Australia made it impossible to produce the grain sufficiently cheaply in Denmark, and the farming industry was really in very bad straits. With conspicuous ability, the Danish farmers changed their system, in a few years, from grain arming to intensive dairy farming, and the wonderful well known dairy production of Denmark has developed steadily from year to year so that in 1913 the exportation of products of the Danish farming amounted to the following items

Cattle about...................$18,000,000

Eggs about ...................9,000,000

Bacon about...................48,000,000

Butter about...................56,000,000

Of course you will understand that the large bacon export is closely connected with our dairy industry, as the skimmed milk is brought back from the dairies and fed to the hogs.

The exportation before the War was divided as follows:-Germany took all our live cattle, and bacon and lard for about six million dollars, and butter and milk for about seven million dollars, while England took bacon for forty-two million dollars, butter for forty-six million dollars, and eggs for eight million dollars.

It was, however, quite impossible for our country to keep the greater number of animals necessary to produce this big quantity of butter and other products in fact it was- our principle that as long as we had sufficient filling fodder, such as straw and beets, it would pay to import all the more nourishing fodder, and the importation of cattle fodder the same year amounted to

Corn....................................400,000 tons

Cotton Oil Cakes........................230,000 tons

Sunflower Cakes.........................190,000 tons

Linseed cakes...........................66,000 tons

Other Fodders...........................175,000 tons

In addition, we imported wheat and wheat flour, nearly 200,000 tons, and rye and rye-flour about 270,000 tons. The climate of the country is rather difficult for the production of grain, and most of our rye which is the principal bread stuff of the country, is fed to the farm animals, for it is not fit for human consumption and only some parts of the country are suitable for wheat.

This importation of cereals was valued at $53,000,000, of which $21,000,000 worth came from Germany (exactly half of the imported bread stuff, $15,000,000 worth, came from Germany)-from Russia we imported $10,000,000 worth and from other parts of Europe $4,000,000 worth, so that only the balance, $18,000,000 worth came from overseas countries.

When the war started, of course all importation of cereals from the European countries stopped immediately, and we had to get all our food stuffs from the overseas countries, which explains the enormous increase in the importation from the United States during the first years of the war. Still the total imports of fodder stuffs were only about 800,000 tons in 1914 compared with 1.060,000 in 1913.

One of the reasons that the Danish farmers are so successful is the development of business on the cooperative basis. For many years the dairies, the slaughterhouses and even the egg industry have been run on a cooperative basis. The farmers of a certain district have united in building and operating a dairy or a slaughter house, and the central exchange in Copenhagen has decided for great numbers, if not for all of these dairies and slaughter housesthe price at which the goods are to be sold after having classified them so that absolute uniformity was obtained. It was very fortunate for Denmark that we, through this cooperative system, had a very good control of all our export business, because it was possible to make arrangements with these associations so that we could continue to distribute in the same proportion as before, to the different warring countries when the war broke out, and as long as the United States was not in the war, Great Britain saw its advantage in making such arrangements with the Danish farmers that in compensation for permitting great quantities of fodder stuff to go through, Great Britain obtained her regular amount of butter and bacon. The importation was controlled through the so-called Merchant Guild certificates, the English Government entered into agreement with the Merchant Guild of Copenhagen, which had its members issue certain guarantees when they imported goods, that these were to be consumed in Denmark.

One of the arguments advanced by Danish economists, to offset attempts to interfere with imports of cattle fodder into Denmark, was that it might mean ruination of the dairy industry, and that in such an event, England would deprive herself of that of which she would be in dire need in the future. In other words if Denmark were to continue as a source of food supply for England, any policy that deprived the Danish farmers of materials for their cattle would act as a boomerang. Not only did England see its advantage from a commercial standpoint in following this policy, but also on other grounds it followed the policy of interfering as little as possible with Denmark's trade. Perhaps many of you will recall the fact that last fall Sir Robert Cecil openly stated that Great Britain was doing all in her power to inconvenience the northern neutrals as little as possible through the blockade, and the British Government was more than anxious to maintain a policy of the greatest possible friendliness.

"Let me add," Lord Robert continued, "that our action in this matter is not dictated by any desire to injure Denmark. You referred to certain attacks on the Danes in one or two English papers. I regret these attacks. There has always been a traditional friendship between England and Denmark, and it may be that if we had stood by Denmark in 1863-1864 we should not now be faced with this devasting war, originated by German militarism. In my judgment, taking into consideration all the circumstances of the case, the geographical position of Denmark, and its military strength, the fact that Denmark, unlike some other neutrals, always maintained a considerable export of foodstuffs to this country, and the fact that as far as I know the assurances given the British Government by Danish authorities have been substantially carried out, Great Britain has no ground for changing its traditional policy with regard to Denmark. That policy I most earnestly desire to maintain and I confidently hope that the Danish Government will second our endeavor."

To you men of Canada, sentiments like those just expressed by one of the most eminent among British officials, should be of peculiar value for the purpose of arriving at some independent estimate of what this World War means to a small country like Denmark. At this distance, perhaps, the right and wrong perspectives are likely to run counter. It is not always the easiest thing to disarm unthinking critics. But I feel that the all-pervading Anglo-Saxon spirit, will refuse to countenance any deliberate attempt to make Denmark out as lacking in common sense or duty.

In discussing Danish exports to England, as well as to Germany, the embargo provisions against importations of fodder naturally cut down the figures to a minimum when compared with the first and second years of the war. But we must not overlook the fact that in dealing with the export and import question, in relation to Danish integrity, it has been Denmark's desire to supply either belligerent group with the kind of products she used to send them before the war. I am now speaking of the time when America was still among the neutrals. Since then, of course, conditions have changed materially. If you will permit me, I shall quote from another authority, this time Mr. J. E. Boggild, the commercial adviser of the Danish Legation at Washington. Mr. Boggild, in the New York Times of July 12th, last year, answered criticism of Denmark's attitude by saying: "Danish farmers have voluntarily and most faithfully, continued to supply England with butter, bacon and eggs. It has won the admiration of British statesmen that Danish farmers, although immense profits were to be made by shipping food stuffs to Germany, have continued to supply, at prices even far below cost, the foodstuffs which England desired."

Mr. Boggild further stated that he deemed it unnecessary to contradict in detail, figures that had no true relation to the fact, but that it is unquestionably true that, since the agreement of November, 1915, between the British Government on the one side, and the Merchants' Guild of Copenhagen, representing the Danish Merchants, and the Chamber of Manufacturers on the other side, practically speaking not an ounce of goods which have been imported to Denmark covered by guarantees by the said organizations has been exported to the Central Powers. Nobody expected that attempts at circumventing the guarantees would not be made, and such attempts have in fact been made, but, due to the vigilance of the Danish police and customs authorities, the attempts have been stopped before the goods were exported.

"I may mention," said Mr. Boggild, "that by a cereal law Denmark has made the breach, or attempt at breach of trade guarantees a criminal offense, punishable by imprisonment, as well as by fines."

I trust I am not tiring you with a recital of these facts, but we can never arrive at a true estimate of Danish 'rectitude or Danish obligations, as related to the war and the belligerents, without touching upon what in many respects is a disagreeable subject, considering that it has now and again aroused feelings of doubt which bear heavily on Danish sensibility. For Denmark wants to live at peace with all the world. And her statesmen are bending every effort toward doing justly all around, without doing injury to the national dignity. I am proud to say that while a country of no more than 3,000,000 inhabitants, Denmark has not been a laggard in regard to political, industrial and social progress.

When the war was only a few days old, the Danish Government issued its first list of goods which could not be exported, and this list, which has been followed by many, contained among many other things all cereals, fodder, a great number of chemicals, and ammunition, but we could not of course prohibit the export of the finished products of our main industry, farming, as it was quite impossible for us to consume our immense supplies in this line, and as we, on the other hand, must have raw products such as foodstuffs, as formerly mentioned, and coal, and must use our export articles to barter with. The price of our export articles rose steadily, and the value of our shipping increased enormously so that during the first years of the war our gold supply rose to a very great extent, but it must be borne in mind that as the gold deposits increased and the rate of exchange rose, so the stocks of merchandise on hand decreased, and the living expenses went up. It was therefore very soon necessary to fix maximum prices on all the important articles, and we have come to a rationing system of flour, sugar, butter,-think of Denmark having to issue butter cards,-which is a great inconvenience and in many cases a real hardship. As an example of how much prices have increased, I can mention that the price of Rye bread was in 1913, 16c per 8 lbs., and in 1917, 28c; Wheat bread was in 1913, 10c per 2 lbs., and in 1917, 18c. Oats doubled in price; Potato flour quadrupled; Potatoes more than doubled in value, and coal and other fuel were five to six times the pre-war price.

It has consequently been necessary to increase the wages of the laborers and the salaries of all officials in private and government employ, and much higher taxes have therefore been imposed. The material suffering is great and steadily increasing. Last winter it was very hard to get coal and, for instance, in Copenhagen you could have cooking gas only two hours twice a day, you were allowed only one electric light in each room, you had to be very careful in your use of water, or your meter was shut off, there was hardly a taxicab and very few horse cabs, as we had very little gasoline or fodder. The streets were almost totally dark, and a large number of people, who never asked for charity before, were forced upon the State for their sustenance. But beside this material suffering, there is a mental suffering that is worse, but perhaps is difficult to explain to people who do not live in such proximity to the actual battlefield as do the Danes, but I shall try. Since the war started we have had a large part of our regular army mobilized and these soldiers have now been under arms off and on for more than three years with nothing to do but to wait and wait, knowing that if any of the warring parties attack them, they will come in such overwhelming numbers that all our men can do is to fall with honor to themselves and the old flag. And the civilian population! We cannot in Denmark have a free press, as was possible in the United States till the States entered the war. We cannot discuss freely, we cannot express our sympathy,-we are too close, and each offensive remark is too dangerous not only to the individual but to the whole people. And, gentlemen,, do not for a moment believe that our people are more money-seeking, callous and indifferent than before; we are just as open in our sympathies, just as kind of heart, just as loyal to justice and right as before, but circumstances force us to keep our lips sealed, not on account of cowardice or over-prudence, but simply because we must, if we do not wish to see our country, our homes, our people utterly ruined without the least benefit to anybody, and we therefore have to limit ourselves to such assistance as can be given on humanitarian grounds, for instance, Red Cross work,-supporting of crippled prisoners from both camps-and the really enormous work that has been done in tracing of prisoners of war and transmission of letters to them.

And all the while there is present the dread that some untoward move from without may upset every present calculation regarding the inviolability of Danish soil. It is no pleasant picture I am here drawing of little Denmark, but why hide the truth when so much that is not true is fed to the public? Much better to look the facts squarely in the face and make ready for eventualities.

To those who, from whatever motive, demand that Denmark should place herself openly at the side of the Allies and the United States in their fight for democracy, the answer must be now, as it has been since the beginning of the war, that anyone making such demands must have lost acquaintance with his geography. If you will glance at the map, you will notice the close proximity of Denmark to Germany and the quite long distances which separate Denmark from the Allies. You surely realize that so small a country which offers no natural obstacles to an enemy could be over-run by a couple of army corps from Germany in a few days; in fact there is an anecdote to the effect that the German Emperor, when the war broke out, asked his Generals-whether they could conquer Denmark in three days, and they answered, "No, Your Majesty, it will take five days," and that then the Emperor said, "So! Let us take Belgium." This, of course, is only an anecdote, still if Germany would have done so, I believe it could have been fact, and the main reason that we have been kept out of the war is, I consider, the Kiel Canal, built primarily for military purposes, but curiously enough one of the factors that, to my mind, have made for the maintenance of Denmark's status as a free and independent nation during the war. The German military and naval commands have utilized the Kiel Canal in order to get quickly from the Baltic into the North Sea, or vice versa. Had this waterway not existed, the entire naval program of the Central Powers might have been different, and it is not a far guess as to what the exposed position of Denmark would have meant to that small country. You will notice from the map that in case the Kiel Canal had not existed, it would have been necessary for Germany in order to get any breathing space, so to speak, to occupy the Danish waters which were mined by the Danes right at the start of the war, except for the one open road that we by international agreement must keep, and which goes through the Sound.

And now that we speak about the geographical contour of Denmark, let me warn you that the Baltic is likely to play a most conspicuous part in the world trade of the future and that Denmark expects, to take a prominent role. With all the shortcomings of the present, the need of foodstuffs and raw products for manufacturing purposes, the Danish captains of industry can help save civilization after the war ends. The Baltic, as the map will tell you, is virtually an inland sea, the main entrances and exits being furnished by the Sound, the Great and Little Belts. The Baltic, then, is to be one of the great rival fields for that big trade which will follow the present devastation. Bounded by Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Russia and Germany, the Baltic in many respects is the entrance gate to Continental Europe. Copenhagen with its wonderful free port facilities is making great preparations to lead in supplying manufactured articles to the surrounding peoples. It is because of its splendid location that the Danish capital occupies so conspicuous a position as a trade centre, and being a free port it offers special facilities for trans-shipments of goods without the payment of customs duties. The free port was built to guard Danish trade from Hamburg, which, through the building of the Kiel Canal, became still more dangerous for Copenhagen's trade.

Denmark will weather the present storm, if national determination and a high sense of justice count for anything. The future none can foretell. But Danish initiative has before this accomplished the almost impossible. It is our present guide to what lies before us.

Under these circumstances the only possible policy for a country as small as ours has been to keep neutral. The Danish people have suffered great injury through the ruthless submarine warfare, which has resulted in the killing of their brave seamen and the loss of numerous ships, and the indignation has been great, but Denmark has been able to escape direct contact with the warfury, while virtually suffering the identical injuries of the home populations of the countries of the Allies outside the theatre of war. The embargo which America has found it necessary to put into effect, for a considerable time has made it impossible for Denmark to obtain food stuffs and other raw products essential to keeping her industrial machinery going.

The gravity of the present situation no one will deny. And this makes it the more needful that Denmark stand revealed in the clear light of facts. The little country which faces the North Sea and the Baltic has no apology to offer for what has been its policy since that fateful August, 1914. Succeeding events have but justified Denmark in her course. Standing like a buffer state between the main belligerents, it would have been miraculous had no differences of opinion arisen in the opposing camps as to what the Danes owed to the respective nations at war.

Denmark is fully conscious as to the meaning of America's present policy, and the Danish public realizes that it is created by necessity, and that the feelings of Americans are no less friendly now than in days past. Am I not right in believing that Canada fosters the same friendly feeling toward Denmark?

In this connection I may be allowed to say a few words about the Danish ministry, which has led Denmark during these years. This ministry represents a very small minority of the Danish people; it is a middle party, balancing between the Conservatives and the Socialists. Shortly before the war broke out, a revision of our Constitution took place. All parties agreed at last in the committees, and only the final formal ratification by our Rigsdag was required to have the law pass to His Majesty's signature. In order to make it pass more easily through the debate in the Rigsdag, this ministry was placed in charge, and it was in charge when the war broke out. It was decided by all parties to keep them in, and they have been supported with the most unswerving loyalty by all sides during all these years. This Ministry has, on the other hand, been wise enough to attach to itself the patriotic far-seeing men who lead the world enterprises of Denmark and therefore have extended experience.

There is still a question of international character that I wish to touch upon. We find that the war has led to a closer relationship between Denmark and her neighbours in Scandinavia, Sweden and Norway. The Russian revolution, even with the subsequent elimination of Russia as a threatening neighbour of Sweden, has not been the cause of this more intimate relationship with Norway and Denmark. For almost at the very start of the war, the meeting between the three rulers of the Scandinavian countries at Mahn laid the foundation for that co-operation which may mean the salvation of the northern nations. Subsequent gatherings at Copenhagen and Christiania have only strengthened ties that are of the greatest significance, in view of the fact that together the three countries constitute a unit of importance, while singlehanded their political influence on world-affairs would naturally be almost negligible.

There is today in effect a Scandinavian revival which bears strong relation to events of half a century and more ago. And even while desiring to discuss Denmark by herself, one finds it somewhat difficult to treat of Danish foreign affairs, for instance, without considering likewise Norway and Sweden. This is by reason of the fact that the peoples of the Scandinavian countries themselves realize that circumstances have once more forced them to join hands and that the one saving clause remaining is for them to act jointly on these great issues that concern neutrality and self-government.

Dr. Maurice Francis Egan, the American Minister to Denmark, at the present time in the United States on home leave, is of the opinion that a Scandinavian union of some kind is more than probable. In a recent address Mr. Egan spoke of the situation in Denmark and he gave a vivid description of Danish life. Dealing with the political conditions before and after the war broke out, the American Minister showed that while early in the war, opinion in the Scandinavian countries was divided as to the merits of the respective belligerents, the ruthless conduct of Germany on land and water gradually turned the doubters toward the Entente.

The present amiable relations between Norway and Sweden cannot fail to be of decided advantage to Denmark also. When Norway broke away from Sweden, the resentment of the Swedes was exceedingly strong. But the reception accorded King Gustaf on his recent visit to Christiania was the best possible evidence that just as Sweden is more than willing to let bygones be bygones, so the Norwegians are only too happy to take by the hand once more the brother people of the Scandinavian Peninsula. All this Denmark looks upon as making for political solidarity, internationally considered. As for internal affairs, it stands to reason that all three Scandinavian countries must attend to their own business, keenly appreciative of what they feel to be their liberal policies and progressive ideas in government.

As you may notice, in trying to talk about Denmark I find myself often reverting to Scandinavia as a whole. This would not have been the case to such an extent had I been asked to discuss Danish affairs before the world war. But then again, I doubt whether little Denmark would then have claimed your attention as she evidently does today. It is the tragic situation in Europe, with those few northern neutrals standing by themselves, in virtual isolation, which must have made you believe it worth while to hear what has taken place in that little country, which King Edward knew so well, and which, with its Fredensborg, Castle of Peace, for many years proved the one spot where European royalty would meet and feel that there indeed lived a happy people, untouched by the events that led to the world-catastrophe.

Again I wish to thank you for desiring to hear something about the little country which I have had the pleasure of representing for so many years; and I wish to assure you that all its civilization, all its best efforts, will always be given for the betterment of mankind. We pray that the time may come when that peaceful land may be the safeguard of good civilization, the place where we may preserve the good old traditions. The old world does not exist any more; a new world is growing up around us, but do not let us forget the traditions we brought with us from the Old Country; let them go over into our new life here.

If Denmark can be untouched by the war, in spite of all trouble and all losses, there will be one people who can carry the traditions forward. I thank you.